When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed; most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short, they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. Fascism: Why Not Here? draws parallels between German culture of the early twentieth century and American culture today, concluding that fascism could arise in Americabut not through either of the major political parties. While Fogarty postulates that it would take a confluence of events and circumstances to propel Americans into the arms of fascism, he concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. If the war against terrorism were to become more costly and less effective, if the economy were to tailspin, and if we were to endure several other major terrorist attacks, how would we respond to a political outsiders bold and decisive plan to end partisan bickering and make America great again? In examining the similarities and differences between Nazi Germany and America today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that Americans would not fall victim to such a chauvinisitic appeal, but he also finds plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary Americans and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar values, ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogartys strong words of caution will appeal to any reader who is concerned about Americas political future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.
When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed; most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short, they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. Fascism: Why Not Here? draws parallels between German culture of the early twentieth century and American culture today, concluding that fascism could arise in Americabut not through either of the major political parties. While Fogarty postulates that it would take a confluence of events and circumstances to propel Americans into the arms of fascism, he concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. If the war against terrorism were to become more costly and less effective, if the economy were to tailspin, and if we were to endure several other major terrorist attacks, how would we respond to a political outsiders bold and decisive plan to end partisan bickering and make America great again? In examining the similarities and differences between Nazi Germany and America today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that Americans would not fall victim to such a chauvinisitic appeal, but he also finds plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary Americans and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar values, ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogartys strong words of caution will appeal to any reader who is concerned about Americas political future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.